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A Hard Life for Amerasian Children + Shortly after moving to this military town in Okinawa two years ago, Etsuko Higashiyama, a 29-year-old secretary, fell in love with a United States marine from Arkansas. They dated for more than a year, and when Ms. Higashiyama became pregnant, the couple considered marriage, she said.

But the marine, who finished his tour of duty in Okinawa last December, left without warning for the United States, leaving Ms. Higashiyama to raise their daughter -- now 7 months old -- alone in a country that is not always charitable to children of mixed parentage.

''The last contact I had with him was by e-mail when I informed him that I had given birth to a girl,'' Ms. Higashiyama said. ''He didn't respond. I don't think he wanted to know.''

Until recently, there was little that Ms. Higashiyama or thousands of other abandoned Okinawan women and children could do about this predicament. United States servicemen left the island with no reprisals, and there was no agreement in force between Japan and the United States to make them pay child support.

Now, Annette Eddie-Callagain has taken up the cause of the Japanese women whose desperate faces, she said, came to haunt her when she was a United States Air Force lawyer stationed in Okinawa 10 years ago. Large numbers of women came to her for help in obtaining child support from American servicemen, but she had little recourse.

''All I could do is write to the base commander, who, if he chose to, would hunt down the serviceman and convince him to assume his responsibilities,'' she said. ''But after a few months of payments, the child support usually stopped.''

Five years ago, Ms. Eddie-Callagain returned to Okinawa and opened a private law practice where she is waging her own private war on deadbeat military dads.

So far, she has filed cases on behalf of 50 Okinawan women, including Ms. Higashiyama, who are seeking child support from men who have returned to the United States.

Social service agencies and children's rights advocates estimate that there are about 4,000 Okinawan children abandoned by American servicemen.

Many single mothers have not heard from their husbands or boyfriends for months, if not years, and cannot afford to raise their children alone, the advocates said. In some cases, the women face eviction because they lack rent money. Many of the women no longer qualify for, nor can they afford to send their children to, racially mixed military and Christian schools. So their children go to Japanese schools, where they are often bullied and many drop out.

''You can't imagine the physical and emotional trauma that these Okinawan women and their children suffer when these United States servicemen desert them,'' said Naomi Noiri, a professor of law at the University of the Ryukus in Okinawa. ''They fall between the cracks in our society because there are no legal or social mechanisms in Japan or the United States to provide for them.''

The United States has signed reciprocal agreements with countries like Germany, Sweden and Britain to enable the mother of a child whose father has returned to his homeland to seek financial support with the help of government authorities. But no such pact exists with Japan.

There are about 22,000 United States military personnel stationed in Okinawa prefecture, and the local government estimates that about 200 Amerasian children are born in Okinawa annually.

In the past week, in the run-up to the annual meeting of the world's largest industrialized nations in Okinawa, the Japanese media have reported widely on the racial discrimination, poor education and financial distress that many of these biracial children endure in Japanese society. The news reports have characterized the plight of the Amerasian children as yet another example of the social ills caused by the many United States military bases in Okinawa -- not exactly the tone the Japanese government was seeking when it decided to hold the meeting here, putting one of the country's poorest regions in the spotlight.

Despite the lack of a bilateral agreement with Japan regarding child support, Ms. Eddie-Callagain is taking her clients' cases directly to the child enforcement offices in each of the 50 state governments in the United States. She is trying to convince states where the deadbeat fathers reside to prosecute them in family court.

Ms. Eddie-Callagain said she won her first case in March 1999 when Illinois began docking the wages of a former United States serviceman to provide financial support for his two children in Okinawa.

And the crusading lawyer's office is now authorized to collect DNA samples to establish paternity in the event that accused men claim they are not the fathers.

In addition to their battle for child support, Okinawan mothers of Amerasian children are demanding better education, free of the abuse the children often suffer in Japanese public schools, which are notorious for bullying children who do not fit in.

But the Japanese and United States governments have so far ignored the mothers' pleas for better schooling. Two years ago, a group of mothers took matters into their own hands and turned a rented two-story house here into the country's first school for Amerasian children.

Midori Thayer, principal of the AmerAsian School in Okinawa, said the fledgling institution provided a nurturing atmosphere where children could learn in both English and Japanese and did not have to feel ashamed of their dual backgrounds. Her three biracial children, whose father had abandoned them, were among the first pupils. About 70 percent of the school's 40 students come from single-parent homes.

It has been a struggle keeping the school running. It receives no support from the United States or Japan, and there are only a few private donors. Parents often find the $250 monthly tuition a bit steep. Ms. Thayer buys old textbooks at garage sales and begs Japanese schools for old desks and other furniture. She is seeking donations and financing from international aid organizations to move the school to a larger building where she can accommodate dozens of students on a waiting list.

For 12-year-old Arisa Garrison, who is of mixed race, attending Tomishiro Elementary, a Japanese school here, was sheer torture. Her classmates called her ''half'' -- a racial epithet -- and ridiculed her because she did not speak English well, although she looked American. Many Amerasian children speak poor English because Japanese is the primary language at home.

At the Japanese school, Arisa often found tacks in her shoes or nasty notes that said she was stupid and should go back to America. ''I hated going there,'' she said of her two years at Tomishiro. ''I was bullied almost every day. I missed many days of school because I was so sad.''

Since transferring to the Amerasian school three months ago, Arisa has not missed a day and is inseparable from her new friend, 13-year-old Nicky Miyagi. ''She's easy for me to talk to because she knows exactly how I feel,'' Arisa said. ''At my old school, I felt like I was on a hostile planet.''

Photos: Annette Eddie-Callagain, left, is an advocate for Okinawan women. Celina Cedeno teaches English to kindergarten pupils at the Amerasian school. (Associated Press for The New York Times);(Asahi Shimbun)

Definition: According to definitions in congressional legislation of the 1980’s, “Amerasians” are the children of women of specified Asian nations and American men who were born during a certain time period. More generally, however, the term is often used colloquially to describe children of non-Asian U.S. citizens and Asian nationals

Significance: The vast majority of Amerasian children who immigrated to the United States after the early 1970’s were of American and Vietnamese descent. Those of American and Korean ancestry were a distant second. After 1987, Vietnamese Amerasians were permitted to immigrate to the United States and bring along close relatives, thereby adding to Vietnamese immigration to America.

After World War II ended in 1945, American troops remained stationed in East Asian countries such as Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea. After the Korean War ended in 1953, additional troops remained stationed in South Korea. The years that followed saw an increase in the numbers of children born to American soldiers and local Asian women. The vast majority of the American fathers were European Americans and African Americans. Very often, these fathers abandoned their children and the children’s mothers when they returned to America.

Amerasians and America
The plight of fatherless Korean American children moved American writer Pearl S. Buck to call attention to their neglect, and she chose the term “Amerasians” for them. In 1954, Harry and Bertha Holt promoted American adoption of KoreanWar orphans. Some of these orphans were abandoned Amerasians facing discrimination in Korea as honhyol, or “mixed blood” children.

From about 1962 to 1975, as the United States became more deeply involved in the VietnamWar, relationships between American men and Vietnamese women increased. On average, relationships in which children were born lasted about two years. As American military authorities discouraged American-Vietnamese marriages, only the most determined Americans brought their Vietnamese wives and Amerasian children home to the United States, where these immigrants constituted the vast majority of the 20,000 residents of the country who were counted as Vietnamese by early 1975.

After the communist victory in Vietnam in early 1975, the situation inVietnam for Amerasians deteriorated badly. Even before that time, life had been difficult for them after their fathers left the country. The communists, however, made their lives even harder by showing active hostility toward the children of their American enemies, and they discriminated severely against them and their mothers. Called con lai, “half-breeds,” or bui doi, “children of the dust,” the children were bullied and rejected and denied good educations and job opportunities— which were already scarce under communism.

Immigration Rights for Amerasians
When the plight of Vietnamese refugees known who tried to leave their homeland by sea caught the free world’s attention after 1978, the U.S. government became willing to admit them as refugees. The first Vietnamese Amerasian children arrived together with other Vietnamese refugees through the Orderly Departure Program (ODP) after 1979. However, this program did not address all the special needs of the Amerasian children. For three years, U.S. Senator Jeremiah Denton introduced and fought for what would become the Amerasian Immigration Act of 1982. On October 22, 1982, that act became law.
The first of two important pieces of federal legislation on this issue during the 1980’s, the Amerasian Immigration Act defined Amerasians as children whose fathers were U.S. citizens and whose mothers were nationals of Kampuchea (Cambodia), Korea, Laos, Thailand, or Vietnam, and who had been born between January 1, 1950, and October 22, 1982. This definition of Amerasian was a narrow legal term. Critics of the law objected that it did not immediately award citizenship to the Amerasians it defined, and that children of American fathers and women from Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines were not considered Amerasians under the law.

The first five hundred Amerasian children admitted to the United States under the 1982 law left Vietnam in 1982 and 1983. As many as 5,500 Vietnamese Amerasians also left under the ODP. Soon, however, the Vietnamese government objected to the U.S. government’s calling these people “refugees” and halted their departure. The 1982 law also allowed only the children to immigrate, leaving behind their mothers in favor of American institutional or private sponsors if the children were under eighteen years of age. This provision explains why relatively few Amerasians from Korea and other eligible nations immigrated under this law.

The Amerasian Homecoming Act of 1987, which was enacted on December 22, 1987, corrected some of the deficiencies of the 1982 law. Under this new legislation, all children born to American fathers and Vietnamese mothers between January 1, 1962, and January 1, 1976, and their close relatives could immigrate to America.
The 1987 law quickly turned Amerasians in Vietnam from despised “children of dust” to “children of gold.” Some ordinary Vietnamese posed as relatives of Amerasians in order to go to the United States. By 2009, it was estimated that almost all eligible Vietnamese American children who wanted to leave Vietnam had done so. About 25,000 had immigrated under the Homecoming Act and as many as another 10,000 may have entered the country through other means. Additionally, Vietnamese Amerasians facilitated the immigration of some 60,000 to 70,000 of their Vietnamese relatives.

Adjusting to Life in America
The majority of Amerasians admitted through the immigration laws of 1982 and 1987 generally succeeded in America. However, they did so only after adjusting to the English language and American culture and overcoming their limited formal educations, traumatized lives, and issues of abandonment and discrimination. Moreover, only about 3 percent of them could locate their American fathers. Those who came with their mothers and already had some command of English were among the most successful. Alcoholism, depression, drugs, and crime troubled some Amerasians, but most eventually adapted well.

Through the 1990’s and the early twenty-first century, there were persistent efforts by U.S. lawmakers to widen the definition of Amerasian children eligible for immigration or to bestow automatic citizenship to them. However, none of these efforts had succeeded by the year 2009.
Many Asian Americans have objected to the colloquial use of the term “Amerasian” for all children of non-Asian American fathers and foreign Asian women, arguing that such usage implies that Asian Americans are not real Americans. The 2007 American Community Survey listed 1,707,488 Asian Americans living in the United States who were also descended fromone or more other racial heritages. Among these people, about 170,000 were foreign born, and 66 percent of them—112,200 people—were born in Asia. Under the broadest, if controversial, definition of the term, they might also be called “Amerasians.”



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